Dmitry Rogozin is een interessant Russisch politiek kopstuk. Hij is Ruslands ambassadeur voor de NAVO, waar hij de eerste dag zijn standpunt al duidelijk maakte door een schilderij van Stalin op te hangen in zijn kantoor. (Sluit je ogen en stel je eens voor wat voor reacties dat opleverde.)
Rusland heeft een andere politieke cultuur, maar het vraagt toch moed om ten tijde van Medvedev’s legislatuur een dergelijk manifest met een dergelijke titel te lanceren.
Om dus nog eens aan te tonen dat nationalisme =/= asociaal-Botsing-der-Beschavingen-degeneratief populisme, ook in overeenstemming met mijn persoonlijk manifest, een moedige tekst.
One of the major tasks currently facing Russia’s authorities and its
political class is to reestablish public opinion as a potent factor of
real-life politics, not the marginalized, secluded domain of web-based
debates it is now. Russian authorities are finally beginning to react to
the public opinion as expressed via the internet, but it is important
that the government learns to be proactive in dealing with the web-based
public rather than keep playing batter to its pitches, scrambling to
respond whenever there is another scandalous exposure publicized, or
another protest orchestrated through the internet. Therefore, the Number
One task for the Russian patriotic movement at the moment is to get out
of the internet “ghetto” and onto the real-life political scene.
the patriotic movement must rethink itself as a pro-constitution party
whose main demand would be for the provision of de facto equal rights to
all citizens of Russia, regardless of their ethnic background, religion
and place of residence. All citizens shall be equal both in terms of
their civil and economic rights and in terms of their legal liabilities.
Russians must eventually learn to be thrifty with their national budget and aim to secure their own national interests in the first place.
Indeed, Russians genuinely need to become a self-serving nation and focus on increasing their birth rate, ensuring decent living standards for the elderly, bring our domestic affairs in order, and coming to terms with the neighboring nations, as well as with other ethnic groups inside Russia. We need to become thrifty, rational and hard working, and learn
to put our own interests as a nation first. We should also strengthen
our nation by integrating the most promising and efficient human
resources, and by keeping at bay those who are of no use for our
country, or even represent a threat to our society.
By no means
should we stop committing financial resources to modernizing Russia’s
provinces, including the non-Russian republics within the Federation. At
the same time, the people in those republics should realize that
federal subsidies are not some homage they are entitled to by virtue of
being dangerous: it is rather Russia’s investment, and the Federation
expects to have a return on the investment at some point in the future,
both in terms of economic revenues, political benefits, etc. Every
subsidy beneficiary must know exactly how much money the Federation
spends on them, and realize that they owe some respect for the nation
that supports their living. They must also be aware that they are
expected to contribute to the general wellbeing of the country in return
for the subsidies, and deliver their money’s worth. It’s no secret that
certain regions within the Russian Federation, primarily the republics
of the North Caucasus – including Chechnya – are receiving six times
more than the rest of Russia in federal subsidies per capita, and yet
they take it for granted and turn their relation with the Federation
into a one-way street.
What we deal with here is perverse,
counter-productive economic policies which have effectively turned the
Federation into a tributary to the people that once claimed to be
“colonized” by Russians. Such a situation is not only unfair and
detrimental for the Russian majority, but also for people of other
ethnic groups that are faced with such inequality. Therefore, our first
demand as a party is genuine, de facto equality and justice for all
ethnic groups within the Federation, including ethnic Russians. Such
equality must rely on mutual respect.
Culture is a critically
important factor of national unity. The present agony of Europe faced
with the onslaught of immigrants provides us with a case study on how
ethnic minorities are only inclined to integrate into a robust, dominant
culture, and generally tend to disregard emasculated, self-deprecating
host societies with their do-gooder reverence for tolerance and
diversity. How can we win their respect as a host community if we fail
to respect ourselves, if we give up on defending our culture and our
history, if we tolerate the degradation of our national television and
cinema production, who have unapologetically discarded their task of
educating and inspiring the masses for the best, and chosen to cater to
the basest tastes?
Culture is similar to international affairs in
that it abhors a vacuum: unless a host society maintains its culture,
it quickly descends into ignorance and vulgarity, and that just can’t
win you any respect. The Russian culture with its classical heritage can
provide the essential environment for integrating both immigrants and
local ethnic minorities into the Russian nation. And the Russian
language equals influence – something you should fight to protect if you
France, Belgium and Switzerland have recently mustered
enough guts to demand respect for their ways of life and their codes of
behavior from immigrants. Their newly-adopted laws urge the Muslim
minorities to abide by the rules of the secular host states, and reserve
their religious practices to their places of worship, without turning
outdoor religious festivities into deliberate shows of force to
intimidate the locals. Why should any Russian city tolerate being turned
into a backwater hamlet by some of its most recent residents?
thing to remember is that if Russia’s cities are to preserve their
cultural identity, they must reclaim their past role as the strongholds
of Russian culture.
If you come to Rome and try entering the
Vatican wearing shorts, you will be denied entry. If a female tourist
visiting a Muslim theocracy dares walk the street in a sleeveless shirt
and with no headscarf, she risks being stoned to death. So why can’t the
Russians demand that their guests respect the Russian culture, local
traditions and way of life?
The demands I’m advocating for Russia
are but a wan shadow of the requirements recently imposed by the
tolerant Europeans. Therefore, if Russia’s liberals still regard Europe
as the perfect role model for democratic development, they ought to back
my agenda wholeheartedly. Democracy is not solely about protecting the
rights of minorities, because in fact, the majority has a few rights
too. That doesn’t only mean ethnic Russians: in a multiethnic and
diverse country such as Russia, the “majority” stands for any local
community, any indigenous ethnic group and any committed citizen who
feels part of this nation.
I’d like to urge all Russian patriots
to steer clear of extremist tactics and rhetoric in their campaigning.
That said, we must keep exerting persistent pressure on the government,
as well as use every opportunity to influence public opinion in order to
promote our agenda. For once, the laws of this country must be applied
to serve the interests of the very people that essentially make up our
There is no point in sacrificing our own party activists
to be tried and jailed by Russia’s rigged judiciary on the false charges
of extremism and xenophobia. What we should do instead is win the
hearts and minds of the public, and shape a new public morality that
would legitimize and promote intolerance against any instances of
Russophobia, as well as any attempts at undermining Russia’s unity and
integrity. We must also seek to attract government officials and
decision makers to our ranks wherever possible in order to form an
influential Russia lobby within our country’s political establishment.
It’s time for us to aim for high-ranking positions in the government in
order to have a say in making the strategic decisions that will define
the future of Russia. This world only respects the truth when it’s
backed by power, so we’ll have to become the power to promote our cause.
It’s a shame Russia’s patriotic movement has no political party
of its own today. But now is the time to correct past mistakes.
Therefore, I suggest that we start forming a popular political alliance
around our core organization, Rodina (Motherland)/Congress of Russian
Communities, to be able to nominate our candidates for the positions of
Speaking of political leadership, I will tell you straight
that I have made my choice long ago, and that choice is pro-Putin. Not
only do I share Vladimir Putin’s political and moral values, but I also
happen to share a personal relationship with this man, which remained
remarkably unscathed even when our Rodina party was waging fierce
criticism against the government and its policies. I am determined to
support Mr. Putin, not least because the presently incumbent team of
decision-makers has evidently exhausted its potential, and its rotation
What I want is for our patriotic movement finally
to become a talent pool for the government by rendering its support and
engagement to the indisputable national leader. I won’t conceal my other
ambition, which is to strike a parliamentary coalition with the
majority party, which should give us more leverage to influence its
crucial legislative decisions. And the first thing we would press for
would be the abolition of the current tacit ban on registering Russian
I am well aware of the risks such a choice is
bound to incur for our reputation as a party. But I’m confident in our
political intuition. Russian people are wise, and they generally tend to
aspire to righteous and exalted goals. And since it is exactly the kind
of goal we are after, we must be unswerving and use any means at our
disposal. We must become part of the government to provide it with a
practically inexhaustible source of intelligence and will for the
revival of Russia.